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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The effects of Astrology on Galenian Medicine in Medieval Iranian History</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The effects of Astrology on Galenian Medicine in Medieval Iranian History</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>1</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>25</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82702</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.322129.371626</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Fateme</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zargari</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Candidate of History,, Shahid Beheshti University.</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>16</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The encounter of the medieval society with diseases could be evaluated in three parts: etiology, treatment and prevention. This could be further evaluated in 3 approaches: religious approach, Galenian approach and folk approach.the fundamental of galenian medicine is based on galenian Quadruple mixture. Etiology and treatment in galenian medicine is based on physical examination. The subject of astrology is to define the effects of celestial bodies on sublunary, even though the astrology is usually thought to be about politics and fatalism but according to historical and medical evidence of this era there might be some other usages. The main question of this article is the usage of astrology in galenian medicine. Historical method is used to describe and analyse data in this article. Astrology has some effects in etiology and treatment in galenian medicine and there is some objective historical evidence supporting this theory.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The encounter of the medieval society with diseases could be evaluated in three parts: etiology, treatment and prevention. This could be further evaluated in 3 approaches: religious approach, Galenian approach and folk approach.the fundamental of galenian medicine is based on galenian Quadruple mixture. Etiology and treatment in galenian medicine is based on physical examination. The subject of astrology is to define the effects of celestial bodies on sublunary, even though the astrology is usually thought to be about politics and fatalism but according to historical and medical evidence of this era there might be some other usages. The main question of this article is the usage of astrology in galenian medicine. Historical method is used to describe and analyse data in this article. Astrology has some effects in etiology and treatment in galenian medicine and there is some objective historical evidence supporting this theory.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Iran of the Medieval Ages</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Reflections on Scientific Term Translation: The Case Study of “Evolution”</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Reflections on Scientific Term Translation: The Case Study of “Evolution”</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>27</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>67</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82791</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.323369.371629</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hadi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Samadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Philosophy of science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Masoumi</LastName>
<Affiliation>PIO farabi</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>07</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>In translating scientific terms, in addition to paying attention to etymology, two points should be considered. First, some theoretical terms directly or indirectly carry the metaphorical burden of words from the society in which the theory is formed. Second, some of the key theoretical terms in scientific theories form an intertwined conceptual network. Therefore, for each term of this network, other entwined terms must be considered. This makes the philosophy of science also play an important role in such translations. In this article, we turn to the theory of evolution, and to demonstrate that scientific terms make sense in their historical context, we will refer to the social and political context of the emergence of the evolutionary theory in the West. We refer in more detail to some of the political, religious, and social ideas of the emergence of the theory among the Arabs, the Ottoman Turks, and the Iranians, which may have influenced the finding of a suitable translation for “evolution”. The structure of the article is such that we will first briefly point to the cognitive significance of the terms. Then, a history of the proposed translations for “evolution” among the Arabs, the Ottoman Turks, and finally among the Persians will be interduced. The next section outlines the most common reasons given by fans of each translation for their choice. We then engage in a philosophical discussion of the concept of “evolution” in the current texts of biology and philosophy of biology. We will see that there has been disagreement among the twentieth century’s biologists to whether or not the evolutionary process is directional. Part of this disagreement can be traced back to the ambiguity in Darwin&#039;s own writings; but apart from how Darwin thought about it, there is still a debate among biologists about the directionality of the evolutionary process. In the penultimate section, we point out a few other concepts in theory and show that our interpretation of these concepts can affect our interpretation on the directionality of the evolutionary process, and thus affect our choice in translation. In the final section, a proposal for this type of research is presented.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">In translating scientific terms, in addition to paying attention to etymology, two points should be considered. First, some theoretical terms directly or indirectly carry the metaphorical burden of words from the society in which the theory is formed. Second, some of the key theoretical terms in scientific theories form an intertwined conceptual network. Therefore, for each term of this network, other entwined terms must be considered. This makes the philosophy of science also play an important role in such translations. In this article, we turn to the theory of evolution, and to demonstrate that scientific terms make sense in their historical context, we will refer to the social and political context of the emergence of the evolutionary theory in the West. We refer in more detail to some of the political, religious, and social ideas of the emergence of the theory among the Arabs, the Ottoman Turks, and the Iranians, which may have influenced the finding of a suitable translation for “evolution”. The structure of the article is such that we will first briefly point to the cognitive significance of the terms. Then, a history of the proposed translations for “evolution” among the Arabs, the Ottoman Turks, and finally among the Persians will be interduced. The next section outlines the most common reasons given by fans of each translation for their choice. We then engage in a philosophical discussion of the concept of “evolution” in the current texts of biology and philosophy of biology. We will see that there has been disagreement among the twentieth century’s biologists to whether or not the evolutionary process is directional. Part of this disagreement can be traced back to the ambiguity in Darwin&#039;s own writings; but apart from how Darwin thought about it, there is still a debate among biologists about the directionality of the evolutionary process. In the penultimate section, we point out a few other concepts in theory and show that our interpretation of these concepts can affect our interpretation on the directionality of the evolutionary process, and thus affect our choice in translation. In the final section, a proposal for this type of research is presented.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Charles Darwin</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Scintific Terms</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">progress</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Investigating the Structure of Education in Kerman in the First Pahlavi Period
(Growth factors and barriers to development)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Investigating the Structure of Education in Kerman in the First Pahlavi Period
(Growth factors and barriers to development)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>69</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>98</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82803</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.324355.371635</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Jamshid</FirstName>
					<LastName>Roosta</LastName>
<Affiliation>Associate Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Social Sciences, Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Kerman.</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mehdi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Asadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammadsadigh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Sabermanish</LastName>
<Affiliation>Master Student of Iranology. Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Kerman, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>A change in the structure of the education system that began with the enactment of new laws from the time of the constitution and gradually continued; with the change in the structure of government during the first Pahlavi era and the adoption of new policies, it underwent extensive practical changes. The centralist policy of the new government put the entire educational structure of the country under the control of the government. In line with such an approach, the city of Kerman underwent extensive reforms in the field of education, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Despite significant achievements in this field, the province and the city of Kerman suffer from a lack of funding. In this regard, the study of the consequences of budget deficit in the education structure of Kerman is the focus of the present study. Findings of the research, which has been done with a historical method and with an analytical approach based on library sources and newly found documents, show that despite the extensive educational achievements in the structure of education in Kerman, factors such as limited financial resources and a small amount of Annual government budget; It caused the changes made not to fit the needs of the existing education system.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">A change in the structure of the education system that began with the enactment of new laws from the time of the constitution and gradually continued; with the change in the structure of government during the first Pahlavi era and the adoption of new policies, it underwent extensive practical changes. The centralist policy of the new government put the entire educational structure of the country under the control of the government. In line with such an approach, the city of Kerman underwent extensive reforms in the field of education, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Despite significant achievements in this field, the province and the city of Kerman suffer from a lack of funding. In this regard, the study of the consequences of budget deficit in the education structure of Kerman is the focus of the present study. Findings of the research, which has been done with a historical method and with an analytical approach based on library sources and newly found documents, show that despite the extensive educational achievements in the structure of education in Kerman, factors such as limited financial resources and a small amount of Annual government budget; It caused the changes made not to fit the needs of the existing education system.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">PahlaviI</Param>
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</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Eight-legged Cheetah, a Survey on the Description of Jumping Spiders in al-Jāḥiẓ’s Kitāb al-Ḥayawān</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Eight-legged Cheetah, a Survey on the Description of Jumping Spiders in al-Jāḥiẓ’s Kitāb al-Ḥayawān</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>99</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>111</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82828</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.323195.371628</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Marzie</FirstName>
					<LastName>Kazemi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of History of Sciences
Encyclopaedia of the World of Islam
Tehran
Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>03</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>al-Jāḥiẓ (163-255 H./ 780-868 AD) is indisputably the most prominent early Muslim zoologist, as his book entitled &lt;em&gt;Kitāb al-Ḥayawān&lt;/em&gt; (Book of Animals) has been, over many centuries, the main reference of the next generations of Muslim Zoologists and other scholars who have somehow dealt in their essays with animals or animals’ role in Arabic culture. Besides different kinds of literature and verbal resources, antecedent and contemporary philologist’s essays, and other available monographs, the Arabic translation of Aristotle’s &lt;em&gt;Historia Animalium&lt;/em&gt;, prepared by Syrian scholar, Yaḥya (John) Ibn al-Batrīq, was one of the most important al-Jāḥiẓ’s sources His influence of Aristotle was not only in the form of quotations and adaptations but also, he had many creative inspirations, which resulted in his personal contemplations of surrounding nature. A very illustrious case which discriminates his book from Aristotle’s thoughts and other Islamic zoological texts is a kind of spider with the Arabic name &lt;em&gt;Layth. &lt;/em&gt;al-Jāḥiẓ’s detailed account of the hunting etiology of this arthropod shows his creative, active, and accurate nature observations, and could be matched the members of jumping spiders (Salticidae) in present zoology as well. Such comprehensive descriptions are especially important about animals that are not simply recognizable via their common names in old texts solely. Without al-Jāḥiẓ’s elucidation of &lt;em&gt;Layth&lt;/em&gt;’s hunting method, it might have remained unknown in all historical texts of zoology, forever, or at best could have known as a kind of spiders. In none of his antecedents’ remained essays or Aristotle’s explanations about spiders, al-Jāḥiẓ’s account of &lt;em&gt;Layth &lt;/em&gt;could be found. It seems that seeing a descriptive name of a kind of spider, namely &lt;em&gt;λυκος&lt;/em&gt; in Aristotle’s &lt;em&gt;Historia Animalium&lt;/em&gt;, has sought al-Jāḥiẓ’s its appellation, watched &lt;em&gt;Layth&lt;/em&gt; in nature around and explained carefully whatever he has seen. This could also be an example showing al-Jāḥiẓ’s own ideas in nature description, and the independence of his book of animals from Greek resources.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">al-Jāḥiẓ (163-255 H./ 780-868 AD) is indisputably the most prominent early Muslim zoologist, as his book entitled &lt;em&gt;Kitāb al-Ḥayawān&lt;/em&gt; (Book of Animals) has been, over many centuries, the main reference of the next generations of Muslim Zoologists and other scholars who have somehow dealt in their essays with animals or animals’ role in Arabic culture. Besides different kinds of literature and verbal resources, antecedent and contemporary philologist’s essays, and other available monographs, the Arabic translation of Aristotle’s &lt;em&gt;Historia Animalium&lt;/em&gt;, prepared by Syrian scholar, Yaḥya (John) Ibn al-Batrīq, was one of the most important al-Jāḥiẓ’s sources His influence of Aristotle was not only in the form of quotations and adaptations but also, he had many creative inspirations, which resulted in his personal contemplations of surrounding nature. A very illustrious case which discriminates his book from Aristotle’s thoughts and other Islamic zoological texts is a kind of spider with the Arabic name &lt;em&gt;Layth. &lt;/em&gt;al-Jāḥiẓ’s detailed account of the hunting etiology of this arthropod shows his creative, active, and accurate nature observations, and could be matched the members of jumping spiders (Salticidae) in present zoology as well. Such comprehensive descriptions are especially important about animals that are not simply recognizable via their common names in old texts solely. Without al-Jāḥiẓ’s elucidation of &lt;em&gt;Layth&lt;/em&gt;’s hunting method, it might have remained unknown in all historical texts of zoology, forever, or at best could have known as a kind of spiders. In none of his antecedents’ remained essays or Aristotle’s explanations about spiders, al-Jāḥiẓ’s account of &lt;em&gt;Layth &lt;/em&gt;could be found. It seems that seeing a descriptive name of a kind of spider, namely &lt;em&gt;λυκος&lt;/em&gt; in Aristotle’s &lt;em&gt;Historia Animalium&lt;/em&gt;, has sought al-Jāḥiẓ’s its appellation, watched &lt;em&gt;Layth&lt;/em&gt; in nature around and explained carefully whatever he has seen. This could also be an example showing al-Jāḥiẓ’s own ideas in nature description, and the independence of his book of animals from Greek resources.</OtherAbstract>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Analysis of the Relationship between Mathematical Treatises and Geometrical Patterns of Decorations of Samarra Architecture in Third Century AH</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Analysis of the Relationship between Mathematical Treatises and Geometrical Patterns of Decorations of Samarra Architecture in Third Century AH</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>113</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>134</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82899</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.326010.371643</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mehdi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Beheshti Nejad</LastName>
<Affiliation>School of Applied Arts, University of Art  Tehran . Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Samad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Samanian</LastName>
<Affiliation>School of Applied Arts. University of Art. Tehran. Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Amir</FirstName>
					<LastName>Maziar</LastName>
<Affiliation>philosophy of art, Faculty of theories and art studies, University of  Art. Tehran. Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>One of the most controversial topics in Islamic art and architecture is the influence of descriptive methods and the discussions in mathematical treatises on the motifs and geometrical decorations. Some researchers believe that the descriptive method and the continuation of these motifs among artists and architects were transmitted orally generation by generation and they had no connection to the instructions in mathematical treatises. On the other hand, others believe that the geometrical constructions in art and architecture have been borrowed from the descriptive discussions in mathematical treatises. The study of the structure of the decorations cited by each group shows that these patterns have been illustrated based on two completely distinct structures. The purpose of this study was to examine these different structures and explore their relationship with mathematical treatises and their developments. In this regard, on the one hand, the study examined the patterns that have been imported to Islamic art from other civilizations and have become popular among the artists and architects, on the other hand, it studied a set of patterns in Islamic art that have been formed in a new structure related to mathematical treatises. It appears that the beginning point of the latter structure was historically and geographically where the first geometrical treatises on descriptive patterns were formed: the translation of mathematical treatises on compass geometry in third century AH. This study aimed to find the relationship between the formation and spread of treatises on compass geometry and different geometrical constructions in the architecture of Samarra, the capital of Islamic caliphate in the third century AH. This qualitative study was descriptive-analytical and the data were collected by library research. The results of the study showed that simultaneous with the attention given to compass geometry in mathematical treatises, the descriptive method and the resulting patterns were used as a new model of descriptive patterns along with the decorations based on the older structure. The flourishing of this new geometrical structure and the development of compass geometry in mathematical treatises led to a geometrical genre known as the Seljuk “Gereh” in the fourth and fifth centuries AH. </Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">One of the most controversial topics in Islamic art and architecture is the influence of descriptive methods and the discussions in mathematical treatises on the motifs and geometrical decorations. Some researchers believe that the descriptive method and the continuation of these motifs among artists and architects were transmitted orally generation by generation and they had no connection to the instructions in mathematical treatises. On the other hand, others believe that the geometrical constructions in art and architecture have been borrowed from the descriptive discussions in mathematical treatises. The study of the structure of the decorations cited by each group shows that these patterns have been illustrated based on two completely distinct structures. The purpose of this study was to examine these different structures and explore their relationship with mathematical treatises and their developments. In this regard, on the one hand, the study examined the patterns that have been imported to Islamic art from other civilizations and have become popular among the artists and architects, on the other hand, it studied a set of patterns in Islamic art that have been formed in a new structure related to mathematical treatises. It appears that the beginning point of the latter structure was historically and geographically where the first geometrical treatises on descriptive patterns were formed: the translation of mathematical treatises on compass geometry in third century AH. This study aimed to find the relationship between the formation and spread of treatises on compass geometry and different geometrical constructions in the architecture of Samarra, the capital of Islamic caliphate in the third century AH. This qualitative study was descriptive-analytical and the data were collected by library research. The results of the study showed that simultaneous with the attention given to compass geometry in mathematical treatises, the descriptive method and the resulting patterns were used as a new model of descriptive patterns along with the decorations based on the older structure. The flourishing of this new geometrical structure and the development of compass geometry in mathematical treatises led to a geometrical genre known as the Seljuk “Gereh” in the fourth and fifth centuries AH. </OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Abbasid art</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">compass geometry</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">geometrical decorations</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">geometrical treatises</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Samarra architecture</Param>
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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Finding the Meridian Line
in the 13th chapter of the second book of ʿAbd al-Jabbār al-Kharaqī’s Muntaha al-Idrāk fī Taqāsīm al-Aflāk (The Utmost Attainment on the Divisions of the Orbs)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Finding the Meridian Line
in the 13th chapter of the second book of ʿAbd al-Jabbār al-Kharaqī’s Muntaha al-Idrāk fī Taqāsīm al-Aflāk (The Utmost Attainment on the Divisions of the Orbs)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>135</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>156</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">82900</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.327221.371644</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hanif</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghalandari</LastName>
<Affiliation>Faculty Member, Institute of the History of Science, University of Tehran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-4307-5809</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>15</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The meridian is one of the most famous great circles imagined on both the celestial sphere and the earth. On the celestial sphere, the altitude of celestial bodies is measured along the meridian with reference to the horizontal coordinates. On the earth, the meridian also shows the local longitude. Methods for determining a meridian of reference and measuring the longitude of different locales on the earth belong to the mathematical geography topics. They have been mentioned in the astronomical works of the Islamic period. All instruments must be aligned on the meridian line of the observer’s location therefore its determination is required for the observation. For this reason, practical methods of finding the meridian line were included in the astronomical works. In &lt;em&gt;hayʾa&lt;/em&gt; works of the Islamic astronomy, a chapter entitled “On Finding the meridian line” has been added to the mathematical geography section (&lt;em&gt;hayʾa al-ʾarḍ&lt;/em&gt;, lit. “the configuration of the Earth”). In the &lt;em&gt;Almagest&lt;/em&gt;, Ptolemy did not discuss finding the meridian line, although he used it in his observations. So, this presumably was an addition to the Islamic astronomical works. In most of these works, among other methods, the famous method of the “Indian circle”often introduced. In this article, the chapter on finding the meridian line from the &lt;em&gt;Muntaha al-Idrāk fī Taqāsīm al-Aflāk&lt;/em&gt; of ʿAbd al-Jabbār al-Kharaqī (6&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; AH/12&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; AD century), early comprehensive work on &lt;em&gt;ʿilm al-hayʾa&lt;/em&gt;, has been studied. Kharaqī discussed three methods for determining the meridian line, and described the pros and cons of each method. Almost no other work in &lt;em&gt;ʿilm al-hayʾa&lt;/em&gt; presents this diversity of methods for finding the meridian line. By comparing Kharaqī’s methods with those of Bīrūnī (d. 440 AH/1048 AD) this article will provide evidence about the possible sources of Kharaqī’s methods.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The meridian is one of the most famous great circles imagined on both the celestial sphere and the earth. On the celestial sphere, the altitude of celestial bodies is measured along the meridian with reference to the horizontal coordinates. On the earth, the meridian also shows the local longitude. Methods for determining a meridian of reference and measuring the longitude of different locales on the earth belong to the mathematical geography topics. They have been mentioned in the astronomical works of the Islamic period. All instruments must be aligned on the meridian line of the observer’s location therefore its determination is required for the observation. For this reason, practical methods of finding the meridian line were included in the astronomical works. In &lt;em&gt;hayʾa&lt;/em&gt; works of the Islamic astronomy, a chapter entitled “On Finding the meridian line” has been added to the mathematical geography section (&lt;em&gt;hayʾa al-ʾarḍ&lt;/em&gt;, lit. “the configuration of the Earth”). In the &lt;em&gt;Almagest&lt;/em&gt;, Ptolemy did not discuss finding the meridian line, although he used it in his observations. So, this presumably was an addition to the Islamic astronomical works. In most of these works, among other methods, the famous method of the “Indian circle”often introduced. In this article, the chapter on finding the meridian line from the &lt;em&gt;Muntaha al-Idrāk fī Taqāsīm al-Aflāk&lt;/em&gt; of ʿAbd al-Jabbār al-Kharaqī (6&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; AH/12&lt;sup&gt;th&lt;/sup&gt; AD century), early comprehensive work on &lt;em&gt;ʿilm al-hayʾa&lt;/em&gt;, has been studied. Kharaqī discussed three methods for determining the meridian line, and described the pros and cons of each method. Almost no other work in &lt;em&gt;ʿilm al-hayʾa&lt;/em&gt; presents this diversity of methods for finding the meridian line. By comparing Kharaqī’s methods with those of Bīrūnī (d. 440 AH/1048 AD) this article will provide evidence about the possible sources of Kharaqī’s methods.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">ʿAbd al-Jabbār al-Kharaqī</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Bīrūnī</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Indian circle method</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Meridian circle</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Meridian line</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Muntaha al-Idrāk fī Taqāsīm al-Aflāk</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">The Exhaustive Treatise on Shadows (ʾIfrād al-Maqāl fī ʾAmr al-Ẓalāl)</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jihs.ut.ac.ir/article_82900_d0f1e1668c6674da32a6b4383b303769.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Reflection of Iran's health and medical status in archival documents (1925-1941)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Reflection of Iran&#039;s health and medical status in archival documents (1925-1941)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>157</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>182</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">84481</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.327790.371649</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Fouzieh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Javanmardi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Employee of the National Archives of Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>25</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>With the victory of the constitutional movement, the new government in Iran attends to the promotion of modern Western achievements. This establishment in the field of medical sciences, including the use of new drugs, health care and promotion of public health, was considered by the Qajar government and the educated. The present study uses analytical and descriptive methods to explain the reflection of the historical evolution of traditional to modern medical discourse in the constitutional and Pahlavi period and tries to rely on reports of government actions in this field and negotiations between Iran and foreign countries on ways. Evaluate the control of the spread of diseases from the point of view of the obtained documents. Since important treasury documents contain all kinds of useful information, including in the field of medicine and public health, this study relies on documents to consider the hidden angles of this historical development from the perspective of this important source. Examining the documents can provide information on how to address public health, identify and treat diseases. In general, the purpose of this study is to investigate the evolution of traditional medicine to modern medicine and the shortcomings of this measure, due to the lack of integration of the two discourses and the importance of maintaining the health of societies throughout history, which shows the progress of each society. But as a result of this development, due to the incompatibility between the traditional and modern discourses in this science, it led to the weakness of one and the prosperity of the other. The discourse of modern medical science reached its peak with the reliance on the status of disease and the body, but the existence of austerity in the realization of this science and the abandonment of traditional medicine had consequences that manifested themselves in later periods.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">With the victory of the constitutional movement, the new government in Iran attends to the promotion of modern Western achievements. This establishment in the field of medical sciences, including the use of new drugs, health care and promotion of public health, was considered by the Qajar government and the educated. The present study uses analytical and descriptive methods to explain the reflection of the historical evolution of traditional to modern medical discourse in the constitutional and Pahlavi period and tries to rely on reports of government actions in this field and negotiations between Iran and foreign countries on ways. Evaluate the control of the spread of diseases from the point of view of the obtained documents. Since important treasury documents contain all kinds of useful information, including in the field of medicine and public health, this study relies on documents to consider the hidden angles of this historical development from the perspective of this important source. Examining the documents can provide information on how to address public health, identify and treat diseases. In general, the purpose of this study is to investigate the evolution of traditional medicine to modern medicine and the shortcomings of this measure, due to the lack of integration of the two discourses and the importance of maintaining the health of societies throughout history, which shows the progress of each society. But as a result of this development, due to the incompatibility between the traditional and modern discourses in this science, it led to the weakness of one and the prosperity of the other. The discourse of modern medical science reached its peak with the reliance on the status of disease and the body, but the existence of austerity in the realization of this science and the abandonment of traditional medicine had consequences that manifested themselves in later periods.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Constitution</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">diseases</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">documents</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Health</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">modern medicine</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Reza Shah</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Traditional Medicine</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jihs.ut.ac.ir/article_84481_5729e5991a120afd09dd17962ff2bc86.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>New technologies and transformation of "knowledge" and "techne" meaning in Qajar period</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>New technologies and transformation of &quot;knowledge&quot; and &quot;techne&quot; meaning in Qajar period</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>183</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>222</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">84555</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.331872.371653</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Rahim</FirstName>
					<LastName>Yousefi Aghdam</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD Student, Allameh Tabataba’i University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Maghsoud</FirstName>
					<LastName>Farasatkhah</LastName>
<Affiliation>Institute for research and planning in higher education</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad Saeed</FirstName>
					<LastName>Zokaeei</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Cultural Studies,  Allameh Tabataba’i University, Tehran, Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Nahal</FirstName>
					<LastName>Nafisi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Cultural Studies, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Tehran. Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>06</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>This article investigates the transformation of &#039;Knowledge&#039; and &#039; Techne&#039; in Qajar era. The hypothesis of the article is that the radical change that occurred in Qajar period in definition of knowledge and its classification was due to the emergence of new technologies. with categorizing under &quot; product of natural knowledge&quot;, new technology initiated the problem of how theoretic knowledge lead to invention of instrument that can be used in practical life. This problem come from the status of &quot;natural knowledge&quot; in Farabi-Avicenna categories of knowledge where theoretical knowledge haven&#039;t any practical use and relate to &#039;other world happiness&#039;. Categories based on the Aristotle distinction between &#039;episteme&#039; and &#039;techne&#039;, believe episteme deal with the thing that can&#039;t be otherwise and hence haven&#039;t use value. With conceiving that theoretical knowledge lead to practical use, new technology disturbed this order. The consequence of this transformation firstly, rise up the evolutionary concept of knowledge that on the time distance, categorized societies on hierarchical level of &quot;civilized&quot; and &quot;savage&quot; base on practical use of knowledge. Secondly categorization of &quot;techne&quot; under new science of &quot;wealth&quot; and definition of it as &quot;all practice that produce wealth&quot;. With new definition of &quot;techne&quot;, all practice that lead to producing of wealth and nowadays we in Economics science calling them &quot; land, labor and capital&quot;, reorganized based on status that they have in producing wealth</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">This article investigates the transformation of &#039;Knowledge&#039; and &#039; Techne&#039; in Qajar era. The hypothesis of the article is that the radical change that occurred in Qajar period in definition of knowledge and its classification was due to the emergence of new technologies. with categorizing under &quot; product of natural knowledge&quot;, new technology initiated the problem of how theoretic knowledge lead to invention of instrument that can be used in practical life. This problem come from the status of &quot;natural knowledge&quot; in Farabi-Avicenna categories of knowledge where theoretical knowledge haven&#039;t any practical use and relate to &#039;other world happiness&#039;. Categories based on the Aristotle distinction between &#039;episteme&#039; and &#039;techne&#039;, believe episteme deal with the thing that can&#039;t be otherwise and hence haven&#039;t use value. With conceiving that theoretical knowledge lead to practical use, new technology disturbed this order. The consequence of this transformation firstly, rise up the evolutionary concept of knowledge that on the time distance, categorized societies on hierarchical level of &quot;civilized&quot; and &quot;savage&quot; base on practical use of knowledge. Secondly categorization of &quot;techne&quot; under new science of &quot;wealth&quot; and definition of it as &quot;all practice that produce wealth&quot;. With new definition of &quot;techne&quot;, all practice that lead to producing of wealth and nowadays we in Economics science calling them &quot; land, labor and capital&quot;, reorganized based on status that they have in producing wealth</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Knowledge</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Techne</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">New Technologies</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Qajar Period</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jihs.ut.ac.ir/article_84555_c415d98f38e313f9c84d79ee541ce9e9.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>A Survey on Technology of Glaze Producing by Persian Manuscripts</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>A Survey on Technology of Glaze Producing by Persian Manuscripts</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>223</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>243</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">84647</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.325546.371640</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Aarab</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of archaeology, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Bahman</FirstName>
					<LastName>Firouz Mandi Shireh Jin</LastName>
<Affiliation>Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Parastoo</FirstName>
					<LastName>Masjedi Khak</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Archeology/
University of Neyshabur</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Arman</FirstName>
					<LastName>Shishegar</LastName>
<Affiliation>Pezhoheshgah</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Hadian</LastName>
<Affiliation>College of Engineering / Faculty of Metallurgy and Materials Engineering/ University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>06</Month>
					<Day>14</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Glaze is one of the artefacts which we can find its producing process in Persian manuscripts. During this study due to the Persian manuscripts, it could be possible for us to understand the adapting of modern glaze producing and its traditional method. Because it seems that there is an adapting between traditional and modern glaze production in Iran, but how we can understand this adapting? We must pay attention, that one of the documents which could be useful for studying the glaze productions are manuscripts. In addition to manuscripts, the glaze samples which have been reminded from the past, are another document for analyzing the traditional glaze production. So during this study we are going to reconstruct the process of ancient Persian glazes which mentioned in manuscripts. It seems that some of the manuscripts are a copy of another one, and surviving the transposition of the manuscripts is necessary during this study. So we will survey some manuscripts during this study. But it seems that the most of manuscripts which are dated after Safavid period are a copy of older manuscripts. For example, we can suggest some manuscripts which the process of glazes production in these manuscripts are the same. So we must analyze the manuscripts and it seems that one of them Is the original treatise which other manuscripts use its formulas.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Glaze is one of the artefacts which we can find its producing process in Persian manuscripts. During this study due to the Persian manuscripts, it could be possible for us to understand the adapting of modern glaze producing and its traditional method. Because it seems that there is an adapting between traditional and modern glaze production in Iran, but how we can understand this adapting? We must pay attention, that one of the documents which could be useful for studying the glaze productions are manuscripts. In addition to manuscripts, the glaze samples which have been reminded from the past, are another document for analyzing the traditional glaze production. So during this study we are going to reconstruct the process of ancient Persian glazes which mentioned in manuscripts. It seems that some of the manuscripts are a copy of another one, and surviving the transposition of the manuscripts is necessary during this study. So we will survey some manuscripts during this study. But it seems that the most of manuscripts which are dated after Safavid period are a copy of older manuscripts. For example, we can suggest some manuscripts which the process of glazes production in these manuscripts are the same. So we must analyze the manuscripts and it seems that one of them Is the original treatise which other manuscripts use its formulas.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Mina</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic manuscripts</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Alkaline glazes</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Lead glazes</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Fluxes</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jihs.ut.ac.ir/article_84647_ea6183d6523ff3bb3450fd934949e6dc.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>A Study of Hippocratic Theory of Medicine: Health, disease and treatment</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>A Study of Hippocratic Theory of Medicine: Health, disease and treatment</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>245</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>274</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">85426</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.332259.371655</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Farzane</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ameri</LastName>
<Affiliation>Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Gholam Hosein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Moghadam Heidari</LastName>
<Affiliation>Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Alireza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Monajemi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>When Greek thinkers sought to find natural reasons for what was happening around them and to abandon transcendental ideas such as the intervention of spirits and divine reproach, these efforts were made by Hippocrates in medicine. Hippocrates removed the concepts of superstition, magic, and religion from medicine. He rejected the belief of his contemporaries that the disease was caused by the vengeful gods, and instead stated that every disease has a natural cause, and that if you find the natural cause, you can cure the disease.&lt;br /&gt;Therefore, the problem of the present study is to study the medical theory of Hippocrates and to answer the question of how did Hippocrates remove the transcendental causes from medicine and what natural causes replaced them? For this purpose, the article consists of four parts: in the first part, the theory of quadruple mixing, which is the basis of Hippocratic medical theory, and in the second part, Hippocrates&#039; view of the concept of health and in the third part, the concept of disease and classification of diseases and Pathogens have been studied and in the final part of the treatment and treatment of diseases from the point of view of Hippocrates. This research has been done by library method and relying on works attributed to Hippocrates. An examination of the works of Hippocrates shows that in medical reconstruction, Hippocrates established a medical system independent of the supernatural and based on natural philosophy. Hippocrates&#039; medicine, in addition to being based on reason, was patient-centered rather than disease-oriented and focused more on observation and experience. Instead of metamaterial factors, he considered the causes of diseases as two types of internal and external factors. Internal factors meant in vivo mixing and external factors meant environmental factors and a person&#039;s lifestyle. He also categorized diseases in order to better understand and treat diseases: acute and chronic, endemic or endemic, and epidemic.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">When Greek thinkers sought to find natural reasons for what was happening around them and to abandon transcendental ideas such as the intervention of spirits and divine reproach, these efforts were made by Hippocrates in medicine. Hippocrates removed the concepts of superstition, magic, and religion from medicine. He rejected the belief of his contemporaries that the disease was caused by the vengeful gods, and instead stated that every disease has a natural cause, and that if you find the natural cause, you can cure the disease.&lt;br /&gt;Therefore, the problem of the present study is to study the medical theory of Hippocrates and to answer the question of how did Hippocrates remove the transcendental causes from medicine and what natural causes replaced them? For this purpose, the article consists of four parts: in the first part, the theory of quadruple mixing, which is the basis of Hippocratic medical theory, and in the second part, Hippocrates&#039; view of the concept of health and in the third part, the concept of disease and classification of diseases and Pathogens have been studied and in the final part of the treatment and treatment of diseases from the point of view of Hippocrates. This research has been done by library method and relying on works attributed to Hippocrates. An examination of the works of Hippocrates shows that in medical reconstruction, Hippocrates established a medical system independent of the supernatural and based on natural philosophy. Hippocrates&#039; medicine, in addition to being based on reason, was patient-centered rather than disease-oriented and focused more on observation and experience. Instead of metamaterial factors, he considered the causes of diseases as two types of internal and external factors. Internal factors meant in vivo mixing and external factors meant environmental factors and a person&#039;s lifestyle. He also categorized diseases in order to better understand and treat diseases: acute and chronic, endemic or endemic, and epidemic.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Ancient Greek Medicine</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Disease</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Epidemic</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Health</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Hippocrates</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">The Theory of The Four Humours</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://jihs.ut.ac.ir/article_85426_92acd0b9315fb89f1e8352e58970f2d2.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>وقتی از علم پیشامدرن حرف می‌زنیم از چه حرف می‌زنیم؟ نقدی بر کتاب انقلاب علمی استیون شیپین</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>وقتی از علم پیشامدرن حرف می‌زنیم از چه حرف می‌زنیم؟ نقدی بر کتاب انقلاب علمی استیون شیپین</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>1</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>8</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">84588</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.310590.371600</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Amir-Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Gamini</LastName>
<Affiliation>University of Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2020</Year>
					<Month>11</Month>
					<Day>01</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>هرچند شیپین ادعا می‌کند که در کتاب انقلاب علمی دچار امرور محوری یا زمان‌پریشی نشده است، این اثر از تمایلات امروزمحور هالی نیست. شیپین حداقل گاهی نتوانسته علوم پیشا مدرن را الهیاتی، اسطوره‌زده، غیرتجربی، غیرمکانیکی، غیر ریاضی و شدیداً تحت تأثیر گفتمان دینی جلوه ندهد. به نظر می‌رسد نمی‌تواند از مقایسۀ علوم مکانیکی مدرن و علوم قدیم خودداری کند. این مقایسه معمولاً به دست‌کم گرفتن ارزش علوم پیشامدرن حداقل برای خوانندگان غیرمتخصص منجر می‌شود. شیپین معارف عوامانه را طوری در رقابت با علم مدرن قرن هفدهم معرفی می‌کند که انگار فرقی بین علوم پیشامدرن و آن معارف وجود نداشته است. &lt;br /&gt;هرچند شیپین ادعا می‌کند که در کتاب انقلاب علمی دچار امرور محوری یا زمان‌پریشی نشده است، این اثر از تمایلات امروزمحور هالی نیست. شیپین حداقل گاهی نتوانسته علوم پیشا مدرن را الهیاتی، اسطوره‌زده، غیرتجربی، غیرمکانیکی، غیر ریاضی و شدیداً تحت تأثیر گفتمان دینی جلوه ندهد. به نظر می‌رسد نمی‌تواند از مقایسۀ علوم مکانیکی مدرن و علوم قدیم خودداری کند. این مقایسه معمولاً به دست‌کم گرفتن ارزش علوم پیشامدرن حداقل برای خوانندگان غیرمتخصص منجر می‌شود. شیپین معارف عوامانه را طوری در رقابت با علم مدرن قرن هفدهم معرفی می‌کند که انگار فرقی بین علوم پیشامدرن و آن معارف وجود نداشته است. &lt;br /&gt;هرچند شیپین ادعا می‌کند که در کتاب انقلاب علمی دچار امرور محوری یا زمان‌پریشی نشده است، این اثر از تمایلات امروزمحور هالی نیست. شیپین حداقل گاهی نتوانسته علوم پیشا مدرن را الهیاتی، اسطوره‌زده، غیرتجربی، غیرمکانیکی، غیر ریاضی و شدیداً تحت تأثیر گفتمان دینی جلوه ندهد. به نظر می‌رسد نمی‌تواند از مقایسۀ علوم مکانیکی مدرن و علوم قدیم خودداری کند. این مقایسه معمولاً به دست‌کم گرفتن ارزش علوم پیشامدرن حداقل برای خوانندگان غیرمتخصص منجر می‌شود. شیپین معارف عوامانه را طوری در رقابت با علم مدرن قرن هفدهم معرفی می‌کند که انگار فرقی بین علوم پیشامدرن و آن معارف وجود نداشته است. &lt;br /&gt;هرچند شیپین ادعا می‌کند که در کتاب انقلاب علمی دچار امرور محوری یا زمان‌پریشی نشده است، این اثر از تمایلات امروزمحور هالی نیست. شیپین حداقل گاهی نتوانسته علوم پیشا مدرن را الهیاتی، اسطوره‌زده، غیرتجربی، غیرمکانیکی، غیر ریاضی و شدیداً تحت تأثیر گفتمان دینی جلوه ندهد. به نظر می‌رسد نمی‌تواند از مقایسۀ علوم مکانیکی مدرن و علوم قدیم خودداری کند. این مقایسه معمولاً به دست‌کم گرفتن ارزش علوم پیشامدرن حداقل برای خوانندگان غیرمتخصص منجر می‌شود. شیپین معارف عوامانه را طوری در رقابت با علم مدرن قرن هفدهم معرفی می‌کند که انگار فرقی بین علوم پیشامدرن و آن معارف وجود نداشته است. &lt;br /&gt;هرچند شیپین ادعا می‌کند که در کتاب انقلاب علمی دچار امرور محوری یا زمان‌پریشی نشده است، این اثر از تمایلات امروزمحور هالی نیست. شیپین حداقل گاهی نتوانسته علوم پیشا مدرن را الهیاتی، اسطوره‌زده، غیرتجربی، غیرمکانیکی، غیر ریاضی و شدیداً تحت تأثیر گفتمان دینی جلوه ندهد. به نظر می‌رسد نمی‌تواند از مقایسۀ علوم مکانیکی مدرن و علوم قدیم خودداری کند. این مقایسه معمولاً به دست‌کم گرفتن ارزش علوم پیشامدرن حداقل برای خوانندگان غیرمتخصص منجر می‌شود. شیپین معارف عوامانه را طوری در رقابت با علم مدرن قرن هفدهم معرفی می‌کند که انگار فرقی بین علوم پیشامدرن و آن معارف وجود نداشته است.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">هرچند شیپین ادعا می‌کند که در کتاب انقلاب علمی دچار امرور محوری یا زمان‌پریشی نشده است، این اثر از تمایلات امروزمحور هالی نیست. شیپین حداقل گاهی نتوانسته علوم پیشا مدرن را الهیاتی، اسطوره‌زده، غیرتجربی، غیرمکانیکی، غیر ریاضی و شدیداً تحت تأثیر گفتمان دینی جلوه ندهد. به نظر می‌رسد نمی‌تواند از مقایسۀ علوم مکانیکی مدرن و علوم قدیم خودداری کند. این مقایسه معمولاً به دست‌کم گرفتن ارزش علوم پیشامدرن حداقل برای خوانندگان غیرمتخصص منجر می‌شود. شیپین معارف عوامانه را طوری در رقابت با علم مدرن قرن هفدهم معرفی می‌کند که انگار فرقی بین علوم پیشامدرن و آن معارف وجود نداشته است. &lt;br /&gt;هرچند شیپین ادعا می‌کند که در کتاب انقلاب علمی دچار امرور محوری یا زمان‌پریشی نشده است، این اثر از تمایلات امروزمحور هالی نیست. شیپین حداقل گاهی نتوانسته علوم پیشا مدرن را الهیاتی، اسطوره‌زده، غیرتجربی، غیرمکانیکی، غیر ریاضی و شدیداً تحت تأثیر گفتمان دینی جلوه ندهد. به نظر می‌رسد نمی‌تواند از مقایسۀ علوم مکانیکی مدرن و علوم قدیم خودداری کند. این مقایسه معمولاً به دست‌کم گرفتن ارزش علوم پیشامدرن حداقل برای خوانندگان غیرمتخصص منجر می‌شود. شیپین معارف عوامانه را طوری در رقابت با علم مدرن قرن هفدهم معرفی می‌کند که انگار فرقی بین علوم پیشامدرن و آن معارف وجود نداشته است. &lt;br /&gt;هرچند شیپین ادعا می‌کند که در کتاب انقلاب علمی دچار امرور محوری یا زمان‌پریشی نشده است، این اثر از تمایلات امروزمحور هالی نیست. شیپین حداقل گاهی نتوانسته علوم پیشا مدرن را الهیاتی، اسطوره‌زده، غیرتجربی، غیرمکانیکی، غیر ریاضی و شدیداً تحت تأثیر گفتمان دینی جلوه ندهد. به نظر می‌رسد نمی‌تواند از مقایسۀ علوم مکانیکی مدرن و علوم قدیم خودداری کند. این مقایسه معمولاً به دست‌کم گرفتن ارزش علوم پیشامدرن حداقل برای خوانندگان غیرمتخصص منجر می‌شود. شیپین معارف عوامانه را طوری در رقابت با علم مدرن قرن هفدهم معرفی می‌کند که انگار فرقی بین علوم پیشامدرن و آن معارف وجود نداشته است. &lt;br /&gt;هرچند شیپین ادعا می‌کند که در کتاب انقلاب علمی دچار امرور محوری یا زمان‌پریشی نشده است، این اثر از تمایلات امروزمحور هالی نیست. شیپین حداقل گاهی نتوانسته علوم پیشا مدرن را الهیاتی، اسطوره‌زده، غیرتجربی، غیرمکانیکی، غیر ریاضی و شدیداً تحت تأثیر گفتمان دینی جلوه ندهد. به نظر می‌رسد نمی‌تواند از مقایسۀ علوم مکانیکی مدرن و علوم قدیم خودداری کند. این مقایسه معمولاً به دست‌کم گرفتن ارزش علوم پیشامدرن حداقل برای خوانندگان غیرمتخصص منجر می‌شود. شیپین معارف عوامانه را طوری در رقابت با علم مدرن قرن هفدهم معرفی می‌کند که انگار فرقی بین علوم پیشامدرن و آن معارف وجود نداشته است. &lt;br /&gt;هرچند شیپین ادعا می‌کند که در کتاب انقلاب علمی دچار امرور محوری یا زمان‌پریشی نشده است، این اثر از تمایلات امروزمحور هالی نیست. شیپین حداقل گاهی نتوانسته علوم پیشا مدرن را الهیاتی، اسطوره‌زده، غیرتجربی، غیرمکانیکی، غیر ریاضی و شدیداً تحت تأثیر گفتمان دینی جلوه ندهد. به نظر می‌رسد نمی‌تواند از مقایسۀ علوم مکانیکی مدرن و علوم قدیم خودداری کند. این مقایسه معمولاً به دست‌کم گرفتن ارزش علوم پیشامدرن حداقل برای خوانندگان غیرمتخصص منجر می‌شود. شیپین معارف عوامانه را طوری در رقابت با علم مدرن قرن هفدهم معرفی می‌کند که انگار فرقی بین علوم پیشامدرن و آن معارف وجود نداشته است.</OtherAbstract>
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<Journal>
				<PublisherName>University of Tehran Press</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Journal for the History of Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-0573</Issn>
				<Volume>19</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Kitāb al-Ṭīb by al-Khāzin
Critical Edition and Complementary Notes</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Kitāb al-Ṭīb by al-Khāzin
Critical Edition and Complementary Notes</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>9</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>73</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">85400</ELocationID>
			
<ELocationID EIdType="doi">10.22059/jihs.2021.327288.371646</ELocationID>
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
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<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohsen</FirstName>
					<LastName>Qosi</LastName>
<Affiliation>PhD in  history of sciences in the Islamic era / Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies</Affiliation>

</Author>
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					<FirstName>Younes</FirstName>
					<LastName>Karamati</LastName>
<Affiliation>استادیار</Affiliation>

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				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2021</Year>
					<Month>07</Month>
					<Day>16</Day>
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		<Abstract>Kitāb al-Ṭīb (The Book of Aromatics) composed by al-Khāzin (living in 421/1030), is an Arabic treatise written in the fourth/tenth century containing a prologue and five chapters dealing with Simple Aromatic Substances (musk, amber, aloeswood, camphor) and including 23 recipes for making compound aromatics (al-Nadd, alʿŪd al-Muṭarrā, al-Lakhlakha, al-Ghālīya, al-Dharīra, al-Rāmik, al-Sukk and, Duhn Al-Bān). This article tries to prepare a critical edition of Kitāb al-Ṭīb based on the extant copies and considering the parallel texts. In addition to the edited text, the article contains the translation of the prologue to the treatise and a discussion about the title and author of it, while trying to shed light on the toponyms and ethnonyms used for the appellation of simple aromatics different types.&lt;br /&gt;Kitāb al-Ṭīb (The Book of Aromatics) composed by al-Khāzin (living in 421/1030), is an Arabic treatise written in the fourth/tenth century containing a prologue and five chapters dealing with Simple Aromatic Substances (musk, amber, aloeswood, camphor) and including 23 recipes for making compound aromatics (al-Nadd, alʿŪd al-Muṭarrā, al-Lakhlakha, al-Ghālīya, al-Dharīra, al-Rāmik, al-Sukk and, Duhn Al-Bān). This article tries to prepare a critical edition of Kitāb al-Ṭīb based on the extant copies and considering the parallel texts. In addition to the edited text, the article contains the translation of the prologue to the treatise and a discussion about the title and author of it, while trying to shed light on the toponyms and ethnonyms used for the appellation of simple aromatics different types.&lt;br /&gt;Kitāb al-Ṭīb (The Book of Aromatics) composed by al-Khāzin (living in 421/1030), is an Arabic treatise written in the fourth/tenth century containing a prologue and five chapters dealing with Simple Aromatic Substances (musk, amber, aloeswood, camphor) and including 23 recipes for making compound aromatics (al-Nadd, alʿŪd al-Muṭarrā, al-Lakhlakha, al-Ghālīya, al-Dharīra, al-Rāmik, al-Sukk and, Duhn Al-Bān). This article tries to prepare a critical edition of Kitāb al-Ṭīb based on the extant copies and considering the parallel texts. In addition to the edited text, the article contains the translation of the prologue to the treatise and a discussion about the title and author of it, while trying to shed light on the toponyms and ethnonyms used for the appellation of simple aromatics different types.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Kitāb al-Ṭīb (The Book of Aromatics) composed by al-Khāzin (living in 421/1030), is an Arabic treatise written in the fourth/tenth century containing a prologue and five chapters dealing with Simple Aromatic Substances (musk, amber, aloeswood, camphor) and including 23 recipes for making compound aromatics (al-Nadd, alʿŪd al-Muṭarrā, al-Lakhlakha, al-Ghālīya, al-Dharīra, al-Rāmik, al-Sukk and, Duhn Al-Bān). This article tries to prepare a critical edition of Kitāb al-Ṭīb based on the extant copies and considering the parallel texts. In addition to the edited text, the article contains the translation of the prologue to the treatise and a discussion about the title and author of it, while trying to shed light on the toponyms and ethnonyms used for the appellation of simple aromatics different types.&lt;br /&gt;Kitāb al-Ṭīb (The Book of Aromatics) composed by al-Khāzin (living in 421/1030), is an Arabic treatise written in the fourth/tenth century containing a prologue and five chapters dealing with Simple Aromatic Substances (musk, amber, aloeswood, camphor) and including 23 recipes for making compound aromatics (al-Nadd, alʿŪd al-Muṭarrā, al-Lakhlakha, al-Ghālīya, al-Dharīra, al-Rāmik, al-Sukk and, Duhn Al-Bān). This article tries to prepare a critical edition of Kitāb al-Ṭīb based on the extant copies and considering the parallel texts. In addition to the edited text, the article contains the translation of the prologue to the treatise and a discussion about the title and author of it, while trying to shed light on the toponyms and ethnonyms used for the appellation of simple aromatics different types.&lt;br /&gt;Kitāb al-Ṭīb (The Book of Aromatics) composed by al-Khāzin (living in 421/1030), is an Arabic treatise written in the fourth/tenth century containing a prologue and five chapters dealing with Simple Aromatic Substances (musk, amber, aloeswood, camphor) and including 23 recipes for making compound aromatics (al-Nadd, alʿŪd al-Muṭarrā, al-Lakhlakha, al-Ghālīya, al-Dharīra, al-Rāmik, al-Sukk and, Duhn Al-Bān). This article tries to prepare a critical edition of Kitāb al-Ṭīb based on the extant copies and considering the parallel texts. In addition to the edited text, the article contains the translation of the prologue to the treatise and a discussion about the title and author of it, while trying to shed light on the toponyms and ethnonyms used for the appellation of simple aromatics different types.</OtherAbstract>
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